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06.10
Biofuel
Review Part 4: Food vs. Fuel and Profit vs.
Hunger
By Patrick E. Meyer,
Ph.D.
Introduction
Most experts agree that, if
managed properly, biomass fuel stocks are a
reliable and sustainable energy resource that
can replace significant amounts of fossil fuels
and assist in reducing emissions of greenhouse
gasses (Smith, 2004). Biofuels, in particular,
have the potential to become major contributors
to the global primary energy supply over the
next century (Berndes, Hoogwijk, & Broek, 2003).
Ethanol has been dubbed the most bipartisan
energy source in America; President Bush raised
targets for its use and President Obama has
increased them even further (Bittle & Johnson,
2009). However, a full understanding of the
global impacts of expanded biomass production
has yet to be realized. Increases in biomass
production have already had an impact on energy,
environment, economy and society — yet the
extent of future impacts remains uncertain.
In this ongoing series on
biofuel and biomass energy, I discuss the most
prominent and critical issues surrounding the
biofuel industry. In the first article, I
discussed
biofuel basics,
outlining the general premise of the biofuel
industry (Meyer, 2009a); in the second article I
discussed
emissions impacts and
infrastructure development,
providing information on biofuels’ greenhouse
gas (GHG) emissions, and availability of
infrastructure (Meyer, 2009b); and in the third
article I discussed the critical issues of
land availability,
conversion and deforestation
(Meyer, 2010). This article, the fourth in the
series, provides a discourse on the food versus
fuel and profit versus hunger debates. That is,
firstly, how does biomass production impact food
prices, and secondly, how does the value of
bioproducts impact the decision making of
organizations as they weigh options of
commercial profit or societal well-being.
Food vs. Fuel
In 2007-2008, more than 25
percent of the corn grown in the United States
was used for fuel (CRS, 2008). Further, it is
projected that biofuels will meet most of the
growth in liquid fuel supply from 2010 to 2035 (EIA,
2009). The other 75 percent of the corn is used
mostly for food, so we need to think carefully
about what will happen to corn-based food if we
increase the portion of corn devoted to fuel. As
asserted by Bittle and Johnson (2009): “If the
United States currently devotes 25 percent of
its corn crop to ethanol, and ethanol is 5
percent of American gasoline use, how much of
the corn crop would be needed to produce 20
percent of gasoline use? That’s right: all of
it. Which would significantly impact American
production of corn dogs, not to mention
everything else we use corn for” (p. 225).
The United States accounts for
about 40 percent of the world’s total corn
production, and more than half of all corn
exports (Runge & Senauer, 2007). Increased
ethanol production is having and will continue
to have a substantial impact on food prices
worldwide. Lester Brown, president of the Earth
Policy Institute argues that “since nearly
everything we eat can be converted into
automotive fuel, the high price of oil is
becoming the support price for farm products …
On any given day, there are now two groups of
buyers in world commodity markets: one
representing food processors and another
representing biofuel producers” (Brown, 2006).
As a result, in March 2007, corn futures rose to
over $4.28 a bushel, the highest level in ten
years (Runge & Senauer, 2007).
Food prices spiked even higher
in 2008, and the prices had a devastating effect
in nations worldwide (Bittle & Johnson, 2009).
There were food riots in thirty nations,
including Haiti, where thousands of people
marched in the streets shouting, “We’re hungry!”
(Bittle & Johnson, 2009; nytimes.com, 2008).
Although other issues, such as rising prices of
fertilizer and energy of all kinds, had impact
on the high food prices, it is generally agreed
upon that the fact that major agricultural
nations, including the United States, countries
of the European Union (EU) and Brazil, are
shifting cropland to biofuel production is a
major part of the problem (Bittle & Johnson,
2009).
The new competition between
biofuel and food production has created a
situation which, according to the World Bank,
could push 100 million people into deep poverty
(Kanellos, 2008). Consider the following quotes:
Global energy consumption
will rise by 71 percent between 2003 and
2030, with demand from developing countries,
notably China and India, surpassing that
from members of the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development by
2015. The result will be sustained upward
pressure on oil prices, which will allow
ethanol and biodiesel producers to pay much
higher premiums for corn and oilseeds than
was conceivable just a few years ago. The
higher oil prices go, the higher ethanol
prices can go while remaining competitive —
and the more ethanol producers can pay for
corn.
The International Food
Policy Research Institute projects that
given continued high oil prices, the rapid
increase in global biofuel production will
push global corn prices up by 41 percent by
2020. The prices of oilseeds, including
soybeans, rapeseeds, and sunflower seeds,
are projected to rise by 76 percent by 2020,
and wheat prices by 30 percent by 2020. In
the poorest parts of sub-Saharan Africa,
Asia, and Latin America, where cassava is a
staple, its price is expected to increase by
135 percent by 2020 (Runge & Senauer, 2007).
Despite these alarming
statistics, there appears to be no lightening of
demand or production of biofuels or biomass in
general. Growth in biomass markets will occur
not only for liquid transportation fuels, but
for electricity generation as well. The U.S.
Department of Energy's Energy Information
Administration (EIA) projected in 2009 that by
2013, the majority of new nonhydropower
renewable electricity generation will be from
biomass sources (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Nonhydropower
renewable electricity generation growth
1990-2035

Graphic source: EIA (2009)
Many experts argue that the
rapid growth in biofuels production may have
unexpected economic benefits for the world’s
poor (worldwatch.org, 2007). The Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)
has warned that world food prices may rise
another 20 percent to 50 percent by 2016, and
that biofuel development will partially drive
that increase (Bittle & Johnson, 2009; OECD,
2007).
It must be remembered that
biofuels are one contributing factor to the
increase in global food prices, but they are not
the only factor. Steady pressure on food prices
has been building for several years because of
increased food consumption in emerging nations (Kanellos,
2008). Moreover, consider that the use of
pesticides and fertilizers, and the
transportation and distribution of food all rely
on fossil fuel products. As oil prices increase,
so do food prices, regardless of whether or not
biofuel demand has also increased.
Profit vs. Hunger
Despite the many social and
economic benefits of globalization, unequal
access to food is common, and undernourished
communities abound in today’s world (Smil,
2003). The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
reports that in the late-1990s, there were more
than 820 million undernourished people in the
world, or about 14 percent of the world’s
population at that time (FAO, 2000). More than a
decade later, these statistics have become even
worse, with more than one billion people
starving worldwide by 2008 (Borger & Jowitt,
2008).
While people starve throughout
the world, some countries must seriously
question the logic behind growing crops for
commercial profit, especially when such crops
are sold to foreign markets rather than
assisting the needs of citizens. Consider that
filling the 25-gallon tank of an sport utility
vehicle (SUV) with pure ethanol requires more
than 450 pounds of corn—which contains enough
calories to feed one person for a entire year (Runge
& Senauer, 2007). Even countries that have a
high number of starving citizens seek to export
crops for profit rather than selling it locally
to needy citizens for a lower price. Recently,
food producers can expect a better price for
their crop when selling to a fuel processor
rather than a food processor. On a grand scale,
the desire for profit, and the neglect of the
world’s most food-deprived people may aggravate
hunger issues several fold.
For example, consider Ghana’s
decision to build their first industrial-scale
biofuels project, not to produce fuel for use
domestically, but for export of ethanol to
Sweden. The ethanol plant will be built by a
Brazilian company but run locally. A Swedish
green fuels company has committed to buying the
first 10 years of the plant’s production, which
is enough to cut Sweden’s ethanol deficit by
almost one third. After the first year of
production, ethanol will rank fourth amongst
Ghana’s exports, behind coffee, gold and timber
(forbes.com, 2008). By late 2009, several
thousands of hectares of land had been acquired
by multinationals across Ghana for the
production of food crops and non-food crops for
the production of biofuels (Dogbevi, 2009).
In another example, a small
Argentinean biotechnology firm has signed a
five-year contract to export one million liters
of soybean-derived biodiesel to a German fuel
distribution company. The contract represents
the debut of Argentina in the world biofuel
market (CropBiotech.net, 2006).
And in yet another example,
Dallas-based Maple Energy will clear-cut 20,000
acres in Peru for sugar cane-based ethanol
production for export to the United States and
Europe. The plant is expected to produce about
30 million gallons of ethanol a year (Bridges,
2007).
These are just three examples
among countless others where developing nations
are signing contracts to grow and export
biofuels to meet industrialized nations’ demand.
Peru and Argentina rank as “high human
development” on the United Nations’ Human
Development Index (HDI) (UNDP, 2010). So perhaps
Peru and Argentina can afford to export ethanol
instead of grow food crop for local use — but
Ghana perhaps cannot. Ghana, which ranks at 152
out of 182 on the HDI, barely passes as “medium
human development” and likely could find more
pertinent use for food used locally instead of
sold abroad for fuel.
As long as farmers in developing
nations can fetch a higher price for their
product sold to fuel producers rather than food
producers, the farmers will likely sell at the
higher price. Government subsidies can prevent
this by providing farmers a higher price to sell
locally, but the farming is often taking place
in regions of the world where subsidies are
impossible, impractical or non-functional.
An answer of many of the
above-discussed problems may be in advanced
technologies such as cellulosic ethanol.
Cellulosic ethanol is made from waste products
such as wood chips, fast-growing trees and
plants, such as switchgrass—that is, plants
people do not eat (Bittle & Johnson, 2009).
Furthermore, cellulosic ethanol, produced by
advanced techniques, would create ethanol with a
much higher power density than corn-based
ethanol currently used (Smil, 2003). Studies
show that cellulosic fuels (such as wood-derived
methanol and grain-derived ethanol) could be
cost competitive with liquid fuels refined from
crude oil if there were sustained petroleum
priced in excess of $40-50 per barrel (Kheshgi,
Prince, & Marland, 2000; Larson, 1993; Smil,
2003). With the exception of a couple month
period from late-2008 to early-2009, crude oil
prices have been above $50 per barrel since
early-2005 and are predicted to rise in the
coming years (tradingcharts.com, 2010). So the
question is: what are we waiting for? Logic
should tell us that now is the time to seriously
pursue cellulosic alternatives.
Still, recent estimates show
that cellulosic ethanol technologies are years
away. “In the meantime, we may need to ask
ourselves whether we are actually getting all
that much energy from the investment. Devoting
the entire nation’s corn production plus all the
soybean production to biofuels would only meet
12 percent of gasoline demand and 6 percent of
diesel demand. And then we’d still be hungry for
more food and more energy.” (Bittle & Johnson,
2009, p. 234) Bittle and Johnson raise a valid
point and that’s exactly why most transportation
energy analysts say that biofuels should
constitute only part of a wide portfolio of
alternative fuel options. In the next
installment of this series, I will discuss two
additional critical issues of biofuel and
biomass energy development: the impact of these
industries on water usage and biodiversity.
References
Berndes, G., Hoogwijk, M., &
Broek, R. v. d. (2003). The contribution of
biomass in the future global energy supply: a
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Dr. Patrick E. Meyer is Principal at Meyer
Energy Research Consulting, Newark, Delaware and
Research Associate at Energy and Environmental
Research Associates, LLC., Pittsford, New York.
Holding a Ph.D. in Energy and Environmental
Policy from the University of Delaware, Meyer
specializes in alternative energy, electricity,
and fuel technology policy analysis; global
sustainable energy systems; and energy and
environmental systems modeling and analysis.
Meyer is a member of IEEE and the IEEE-USA
Communications Committee and is IEEE-USA
Today’s Engineer Energy, Environment &
Sustainability Editor.
Comments may be submitted to
todaysengineer@ieee.org.
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